'The World Is Bigger Than Five': Türkiye's UN Security Council Reform Case and COP31 Climate Diplomacy

Why It Matters

Türkiye proposes a structural reform of the UN Security Council under the doctrine 'The world is bigger than five' (Dünya beşten büyüktür). It holds that the Council's legitimacy suffers when five states hold permanent seats and the veto, and it wants a more representative, accountable body based on rotation and limits on veto use. Reform has been under negotiation for more than three decades without a result, because the Charter gives the five permanent members (P5) a veto over any amendment and the reform camps disagree on who should be added.

The same multilateral logic runs through Ankara's climate diplomacy. Türkiye's Zero Waste initiative is already a UN-recognized programme, and Türkiye is set to host the COP31 climate conference in Antalya in November 2026.

Background

The structure being debated

The UN Security Council has 15 members. Five are permanent and hold a veto: China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States. Ten are elected by the General Assembly for two-year terms under Article 23 of the UN Charter, with regard to 'equitable geographical distribution'. The elected seats are split as follows:

• Africa and Asia-Pacific: 5 seats
• Eastern Europe: 1 seat
• Latin America and the Caribbean: 2 seats
• Western European and Others Group: 2 seats

Under Article 27(3), substantive decisions require nine affirmative votes, including the concurring votes of the permanent members. In practice, one negative vote from a P5 member blocks a draft resolution.

The Council has been enlarged only once. The General Assembly voted in 1963 to expand it from 11 to 15 members, and the change took effect in 1965. UN membership has grown from 51 founding states to 193.

Why amendment is so hard

Article 108 requires any Charter amendment to be adopted by two-thirds of the General Assembly and ratified by two-thirds of member states, including all five permanent members. Each P5 member can therefore block reform even if the rest of the membership agrees.

Timeline of the reform debate

The IGN process works on five clusters: categories of membership, the veto, regional representation, the size of an enlarged Council with its working methods, and the Council–General Assembly relationship. The General Assembly has repeatedly rolled the process over without adopting a negotiating text.

Zero Waste and climate background

The Zero Waste initiative was launched in Türkiye in 2017 under the patronage of First Lady Emine Erdoğan. A UN High-Level Advisory Board on Zero Waste, chaired by her, was later created under the UN Secretary-General. On 14 December 2022 the General Assembly adopted resolution 77/161, which designated 30 March as the International Day of Zero Waste. It has been observed annually since 2023.

Türkiye ratified the Paris Agreement in 2021 and announced a net-zero target for 2053. Its updated 2023 nationally determined contribution (NDC) targets a 41% reduction against a business-as-usual baseline by 2030. A national Climate Law adopted in 2025 created the legal basis for an emissions trading system. Under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), Türkiye is listed in Annex I but was removed from the Annex II list of financing parties at the 2001 Marrakesh conference, which recognized its special circumstances.

Key Players & Positions

Reform groups

• G4 (Brazil, Germany, India, Japan): The group seeks permanent seats for its members. Its 2005 draft proposed six new permanent and four new non-permanent seats, including two permanent seats for Africa. It has said it could defer the new members' veto.
• African Group (Ezulwini Consensus and Sirte Declaration): The African Union calls for two permanent seats with full prerogatives, including the veto, and five additional non-permanent seats. It describes Africa's exclusion as a 'historical injustice'.
• Uniting for Consensus (UfC): Led by Italy, Pakistan, Spain, Mexico, Argentina, Canada, South Korea and others, with Türkiye as a member. It opposes new permanent seats. It proposes a Council of 26 members with a new category of longer-term, re-electable seats allocated regionally.
• ACT Group (Accountability, Coherence and Transparency): This group of small and mid-sized states focuses on working methods and a code of conduct for veto restraint in atrocity situations.
• L.69, CARICOM and small island states: They argue for broader representation of developing regions and small island developing states.

The P5

• France and the United Kingdom have publicly supported expansion in both categories, including permanent seats for the G4 members and African representation. France also champions voluntary veto restraint.
• The United States has said in recent years that it supports adding permanent seats. In 2024 it said it would back two permanent seats for Africa without the veto, plus a rotating seat for small island developing states.
• Russia has said it supports greater representation for Asia, Africa and Latin America. It has voiced support for the aspirations of India and Brazil, but it is sceptical of additions from Western Europe and Japan.
• China says it favours greater representation of developing countries, especially from Africa, and stresses that reform needs broad consensus rather than being forced to a vote.

Climate: COP31 arrangement

At COP30 in Belém (2025), Türkiye and Australia, who had both sought to host COP31, reached a compromise. Türkiye will host the conference in Antalya in November 2026. Australia will lead the negotiating track and a pre-COP in the Pacific. Readers should check the final UNFCCC decision text for the exact division of roles.

Why Reform Is Stalled

Reform is stalled because four obstacles overlap:

1. The P5 veto over amendment (Article 108). No reform can pass without all five permanent members ratifying it, and none wants to dilute its own status.
2. Rival aspirants. Italy opposes Germany, Pakistan opposes India, Mexico and Argentina are wary of Brazil, and several African states compete for the proposed African seats. This is the core reason the UfC model exists.
3. The veto question. The G4 and African Group want the veto extended or at least deferred, while the UfC and ACT groups want it limited or abolished. The P5 resist any curtailment.
4. Process rules. The IGN works by consensus without a negotiating text, and the Assembly rolls the process over every year.

Supporters of the UfC model, including Türkiye, say this stalemate shows that adding permanent seats is unachievable and would deepen inequality. G4 and African supporters reply that without permanent seats the Council's lopsided power structure is never corrected.

Source Comparison

For a method note on how the site distinguishes official positions from analysis, see Editorial Principles: How The Political Anatomy Separates Fact, Law and Position. For claims about Türkiye that circulate in international coverage, see Fact Check: Common Claims About Türkiye in International Media, Checked Against Primary Sources.

Key Terms & Related Guides

• P5: The five permanent members of the Security Council (China, France, Russia, UK, US), each with a veto.
• IGN (Intergovernmental Negotiations): The General Assembly's reform process, running since 2009.
• Uniting for Consensus (UfC): A group of states, including Türkiye, that opposes new permanent seats.
• G4: Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, who seek permanent seats for themselves.
• Ezulwini Consensus: The African Union's common position on Council reform.
• Zero Waste: A Türkiye-led initiative to prevent waste, supported by UN General Assembly resolution 77/161.
• COP31: The 31st UN climate conference, scheduled for Antalya, Türkiye, in November 2026.
• Common but differentiated responsibilities: A UNFCCC principle that countries share climate responsibility but with different capacities and histories.

Related reading: Why Türkiye's 2025 IOC-UNESCO Marine Spatial Planning Registration Matters, which shows how Ankara uses UN bodies to register its positions, and the site's Editorial Principles.

Perspective Note

The Political Anatomy presents Türkiye's official perspective and legal positions alongside its analysis, and clearly distinguishes between fact, legal argument and opinion. Wherever possible, claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, and official statements. The Political Anatomy presents global affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.

Published by The Political Anatomy Editorial Team.